


















Major reform in campaign finance / donation transparency â if laws tighten, anonymity and dark-money flows shrink.
|
Name / Network |
Why They Endure /What Makes Them Resilient |
|---|---|
|
Sixteen Thirty Fund (and affiliated Arabella Advisors funds) |
Long-standing âdark moneyâ powerhouse for the left. Provides fiscal-sponsorship and funding to many progressive causes and campaigns. As a 501(c)(4) nonprofit, it can channel money â often anonymously â into activism, ballot initiatives, and elections. Wikipedia+1 |
|
Berger Action Fund (network tied to Swiss billionaire support of progressive causes) |
Serves as a major donor funnel for progressive policy agendas. Its role shows how international money and large-scale philanthropy can influence U.S. politics regardless of which party is in charge. Wikipedia+1 |
|
Priorities USA Action |
One of the largest Democratic-leaning super PACs. Has shown flexibility in shifting strategy (e.g. moving toward digital campaigning rather than just TV ads), which suggests institutional agility in changing political climates. Wikipedia |
|
American Bridge 21st Century |
A major liberal opposition-research and election campaign groupâeffective at media and messaging work. Such infrastructures are portable: no matter whoâs in power, they can redirect resources toward oversight, opposition, or new causes. Wikipedia |
|
Tides Foundation / Tides Network |
A long-standing donor-advised fund and fiscal-sponsorship network. Its versatile structure lets wealthy donors fund causes under the radar â meaning it can remain influential regardless of which party holds power. Wikipedia+1 |
|
Major Conservative Mega-Donors (e.g. Richard Uihlein & family, Scaife-linked foundations, etc.) |
These âbig-money backersâ have deep pockets and substantial influence on think tanks, policy-planning networks, and regulatory lobbying. Their funds tend to follow structural interests (tax law, business regulation, corporate incentives) â which can often survive major party shifts. DeSmog+2The Good Men Project+2 |
|
Embedded Think Tanks and Policy Networks (e.g. Heritage Foundation, Intercollegiate Studies Institute (ISI), and other longtime policy infrastructure) |
These institutions provide long-term ideological frameworks, produce research, influence judiciary nominations, shape legislation drafts â and have memberships, staffs, and networks that outlast electoral cycles. DeSmog+1 |
|
Financial-industry donors and Super-PAC backers (e.g. Kenneth C. Griffin, other hedge-fund and Wall Street funders) |
Money from big finance often plays both ends: campaign donations, policy lobbying, influence over regulation. Because their interest is often stability, deregulation, and favorable economic policy â not always party ideology â they can pivot if a left administration offers similar benefits. Fiscal Report+1 |
| Leonard Leo | Arabella Advisors |
|---|---|
| Builds and steers a network | Builds and steers a network |
| Operates mostly out of public view | Operates mostly out of public view |
| Uses nonprofits and fiscal vehicles | Uses nonprofits and fiscal vehicles |
| Focuses on long-term institutional outcomes | Focuses on long-term institutional outcomes |
| Rarely the public face of campaigns | Rarely the public face of campaigns |
Arabella Advisors dissolved in late 2025 and transferred its services to Sunflower Services. That organizational change does not alter the relevance of what follows. This discussion focuses on the methods, structures, and influence models that operated under Arabellaâs umbrellaâmodels that continue to exist across the political spectrum regardless of name or branding.
If youâve read about Leonard Leo and wondered whether thereâs an equivalent force operating on the other side of the political spectrum, the short answer is: yes â but it looks different.
If you are unfamiliar with Leonard Leo then I suggest you read our brief on him, it will make my cross references here clearer.
Rather than centering on one highly visible figure, progressive influence has tended to operate through organizational networks. One of the most significant of those is Arabella Advisors.
This is not a critique or an endorsement. Itâs an attempt to understand how modern political influence actually works.
Arabella Advisors is a for-profit consulting firm that specializes in managing and supporting nonprofit organizations and advocacy efforts. Its influence comes less from public messaging and more from infrastructure.
Arabella administers several large nonprofit funds, including:
The Sixteen Thirty Fund
The New Venture Fund
The Hopewell Fund
The Windward Fund
These funds act as fiscal sponsors, meaning they legally host and manage hundreds of projects that may not have their own independent nonprofit status.
In practical terms, this allows advocacy campaigns to:
Launch quickly
Share administrative resources
Receive funding efficiently
Operate under existing legal umbrellas
This structure is entirely legal and widely used across the nonprofit world.
Unlike traditional nonprofits with a single mission and brand, Arabellaâs model supports many separate initiatives at once, often focused on:
Voting and election policy
Climate and environmental advocacy
Healthcare access
Judicial and legal reform
Democracy and governance issues
Most people encountering these efforts donât see âArabellaâ at all. They see:
A campaign name
A policy group
A ballot-issue committee
An issue-specific advocacy organization
Thatâs not secrecy â itâs organizational design.
Criticism of Arabellaâs network usually centers on three issues:
1. Donor opacity
Some of the funds administered through the network do not publicly disclose individual donors, which raises concerns similar to those voiced about conservative dark-money groups.
2. Scale and coordination
Because many projects are housed under a small number of fiscal sponsors, critics argue this can concentrate influence in ways that are hard for the public to track.
3. Distance from local impact
National funding routed through professionalized networks can shape outcomes in local or state-level debates without local communities fully understanding where the support originated.
These concerns mirror critiques made of conservative influence networks â which is precisely why Arabella is worth understanding.
Supporters argue that Arabellaâs structure:
Improves efficiency
Reduces administrative duplication
Allows rapid response to emerging issues
Helps smaller or newer causes compete in an expensive political environment
They also point out that conservative networks have used similar structures for decades â often more visibly and more successfully â and that progressive donors were slow to build comparable infrastructure.
Arabella Advisors isnât the progressive version of a political party, a campaign, or a single leader.
Itâs something subtler:
An influence platform â not for persuasion, but for coordination.
That makes it powerful, and it also makes it easy to misunderstand.
Just as Leonard Leo represents how conservative legal influence became institutionalized, Arabella represents how progressive advocacy adapted to a landscape where money, law, and organization matter as much as ideas.
Seeing Arabella Advisors clearly helps avoid two common mistakes:
Believing influence only flows from one side
Confusing infrastructure with ideology
Modern politics is less about speeches and more about systems â systems that decide which ideas get sustained, funded, and repeated over time.
Understanding those systems doesnât require agreement.
It requires attention.
The Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies (often called “FedSoc”) is a major American organization of conservative and libertarian lawyers, judges, law students, and scholars. Founded in 1982 by law students at Yale, Harvard, and the University of Chicago, it started as a way to challenge what its founders saw as dominant liberal ideas in law schools.Key Principles (straight from their mission):
It’s not a lobbying group or political party â it claims to be non-partisan and focuses on open debate. They host events, panels, and speeches with speakers from all sides (though most align conservative/libertarian).Structure:
Influence:
Critics say it’s too partisan and has shifted the courts rightward. Supporters say it promotes intellectual diversity and constitutional fidelity.The James Madison ConnectionThe society’s logo is a silhouette of James Madison (4th U.S. President, “Father of the Constitution,” co-author of The Federalist Papers). They see themselves as heirs to Madison’s ideas on limited government and checks and balances.
There is no separate major organization called the “Madison Society” directly paired with the Federalist Society. “Madison Society” refers to various unrelated groups (e.g., Second Amendment advocacy, university alumni clubs, or progressive counterparts like the American Constitution Society). The “Federalist and Madison Societies” likely refers to the Federalist Society’s strong ties to James Madison’s legacy.In short: The Federalist Society is the big player in conservative legal circles, proudly Madison-inspired. It’s all about debating ideas to keep government limited and judges neutral.For more: Visit fedsoc.org or read The Federalist Papers for the original inspiration!
You donât need to follow these closely to get the point. Most of you already recognize the pattern.
During multiple Supreme Court nominations over the last decade, tens of millions of dollars were spent by groups with neutral-sounding names, many of them structured as nonprofits that do not disclose donors.
The ads werenât about law â they were about emotion, fear, and identity.
The funding sources? Largely invisible.
Oh yeah.
In several states, outside money has flooded judicial elections â races most voters barely notice â because judges decide issues like tort law, environmental regulation, and labor disputes.
Small states. Big money. Quiet races.
Oh yeah.
Energy, mining, and real estate interests have repeatedly funded campaigns against local ballot initiatives â zoning rules, environmental protections, or tax measures â using PACs that make them look like grassroots efforts.
The campaign feels local.
The money often isnât.
Oh yeah.
School board races and education policy fights increasingly attract outside funding from ideological organizations on both the right and the left â often routed through nonprofits that donât disclose donors.
Parents think itâs a local debate.
The funding strategy was written elsewhere.
Oh yeah.
Ever see ads that say things like:
âTell Senator X to protect freedomâ
âCall Representative Y and demand actionâ
These often come from groups legally classified as issue advocacy, not campaigns â which allows them to spend heavily without revealing whoâs paying.
Same effect. Different label.
Oh yeah.
In lower-population states, a few million dollars can completely reshape a political conversation â making them attractive targets for national organizations seeking influence at a bargain price.
Montana, Wyoming, the Dakotas, West Virginia â none of them are accidental.
Oh yeah.
Most people outside of Montana donât think about Montana much â and thatâs exactly the point.
Montana matters here not because it has all the answers, but because it raises a question many places are quietly facing:
What happens when a community tries to limit outside influence structurally instead of just complaining about it?
To ground that question in reality, here are two useful references:
Official proposed ballot text and description (Montana Secretary of State) â this is the governmentâs own page listing what the initiative says it would do. Montana Proposed 2026 Ballot Issues Page (Official Text & Summary)
Plain-language summary of the initiative statement â a concise version of what the amendment would change. Group Releases Text of Proposed Montana Constitutional Amendment to Curb Dark Money (Summary)
With those in hand, you can always look at the source language while reading this section.
The change in Montana law would simply not grant the corporations the power to give to candidates or causes, but would allow individuals to give, but those donations would be tracked.
The proposed legislation is the first-of-its-kind and takes a different approach to the problem of campaign finance in spending. For example, last yearâs U.S. Senate race in Montana, which saw Republican Tim Sheehy beat incumbent Democrat Jon Tester, had more than $275 million spent in a state of roughly 1.2 million people.
âBasically, the only difference is that corporations wonât be able to spend in our elections,â Mangan said.
The specifics of the proposed constitutional amendment would carve out exceptions for organizations like political parties and even media organizations whose coverage could possibly run afoul of the amendmentâs language.
âIf a person wants to spend money, then they have to put their name on it. Itâs full disclosure. Thatâs what this is all about,â Mangan said.
The Montana proposal â often referred to as the Montana Plan or the Transparent Election Initiative â is fundamentally different from traditional campaign finance reforms.
Instead of regulating spending directly, it would change the basic definition of what corporations and similar entities (âartificial personsâ) are allowed to do in elections. In effect, it would:
Amend the state constitution to say corporations and other artificial entities have only the powers the constitution explicitly grants them.
Specifically ensure that corporations have no authority to spend money or anything of value on elections or ballot issues.
Leave open the possibility for political committees (not corporations) to spend money on elections.
Include enforcement provisions and severability clauses to protect parts of the law if others are ruled invalid. Montana Secretary of State+1
This isnât the typical approach of saying âlimit X amountâ or âdisclose Y.â It says, in essence:
If the state never gave a corporate entity the power to spend in politics in the first place, then it canât do so now. Harvard Law Corporate Governance Forum
Thatâs why proponents describe it as a doctrine-based challenge to the framework established by Citizens United â not a straightforward campaign finance rule. Harvard Law Corporate Governance Forum
There are four big implications worth noting:
1. It reframes power, not just spending.
Instead of capping or reporting spending, it redefines who gets that power at all. Thatâs a deeper structural shift in how the political system treats corporations. Harvard Law Corporate Governance Forum
2. It acts at the level where consequences are visible.
When outside groups spend in small races or ballot campaigns, local voters often never see the circuit of influence. This initiative aims to shorten that circuit â even if imperfectly. Truthout
3. It shows how local contexts shape responses to national problems.
Dark money isnât a national phenomenon only â itâs a distributed one, especially in low-attention environments like state and local elections. Montanaâs approach reflects that reality. NonStop Local Montana
4. It illustrates why thereâs âno one best fix.â
Youâll notice this proposal doesnât:
Ban all political spending by wealthy individuals
Eliminate all influence from outside actors
End lobbying
And, according to some critics, may raise free speech or legal concerns if adopted wholesale Montana Free Press
What it does is test a structural lever that hasnât been widely tried before: the stateâs sovereign authority to grant or withhold corporate powers.
As of late 2025:
The Montana Attorney General has ruled the proposed initiative legally insufficient, arguing it combines multiple constitutional changes into one item and may affect more than a single subject. Montana Free Press
The organizers are planning to challenge that ruling and pursue placement on the 2026 ballot. Montana Free Press
This process â review, challenge, signature gathering â is itself part of what makes Montana a useful test case. It isnât a finished story yet.
When you look at the initiative text and the summary together with your understanding of dark money and influence, hereâs the clean takeaway:
Montana isnât offering a pre-packaged solution.
Itâs testing whether changing who can spend at all alters the dynamics of influence.
The stateâs unique legal authority provides a laboratory for ideas that might be adapted elsewhere in different forms.
In other words:
Montanaâs initiative isnât the answer â itâs an experiment. Good data from experimentation â success or failure â gives other states something concrete to think with.

Why Simple Solutions Fail
Once people understand how dark money works, the next instinct is to ask:
âWhy donât we just ban it?â
That reaction is understandable â and itâs also where most discussions fall apart.
Political speech is protected broadly in the United States, not because itâs always noble, but because limiting it is dangerous. Any rule strong enough to silence bad actors is also strong enough to silence legitimate dissent.
That creates a hard tradeoff:
Regulate too lightly, and influence hides
Regulate too aggressively, and speech is chilled
There is no clean line that separates âacceptableâ influence from âunacceptableâ influence without collateral damage.
Money itself isnât illegal. People are allowed to spend their own money advocating for causes they believe in.
The difficulty arises when:
Money becomes scalable
Influence becomes detached from consequences
The people paying donât live with the outcomes
Banning money outright isnât realistic. Limiting it too tightly just pushes it into new, often less visible channels.
Even well-written laws struggle in practice:
Agencies are underfunded
Rules are complex
Violations are hard to prove
Punishments arrive long after elections are over
By the time enforcement catches up, the decision has already been made.
The reason dark money persists isnât because no one has tried to fix it. Itâs because every fix runs into real-world constraints.
Understanding those constraints doesnât mean giving up.
It means being honest about whatâs possible.
That honesty is the starting point for any solution that has a chance of lasting.
Why Local Answers Matter More Than National Ones

If there is no single best fix, the next question becomes:
âAt what level should we even try?â
The instinct in modern politics is to look upward â to Congress, the courts, or national leaders. But many of the problems tied to dark money donât originate at the national level. They concentrate locally.
In reality, many of the National Initiatives actually originated at the local level, they are designed, implemented and evaluated locally before they are introduced on a National Level. Although what works here doesn’t work there is true. Money is spent wisely and pilot plans or test runs are judged in different environments.
One of the most outwardly confusing observations is why actions or interference will be implemented in one locality or region and not another. When this happens you must step back and follow either the money or the vote. We may be led to believe the new infrastructure is for the communities health, but will it still be supported when the oil fracking or coal mining, or.. or.. is no longer profitable to the corporation located many states away without any other financial ties to the local population.
National rules have to work everywhere:
In resource states and service economies
In rural communities and major cities
In places with very different risks and incentives
That forces compromise â and compromise often produces rules that are too blunt to be effective and too rigid to adapt.
Local and state systems, by contrast:
Have clearer lines of cause and effect
Face specific pressures rather than abstract ones
Can tailor responses to their own vulnerabilities
What works in one state may fail in another â and thatâs not a flaw. Itâs reality.
When decisions are made locally:
The people affected are easier to identify
The consequences are harder to ignore
The distance between influence and impact is shorter
That doesnât eliminate outside pressure, but it makes it harder to hide.
Focusing on local solutions isnât about shutting out the world or pretending states exist in a vacuum.
Itâs about restoring balance:
National rules set guardrails
Local systems decide how much influence they can absorb
That balance is what federalism was designed to provide.



Article 3 of 3 The Long Game â Power Beyond the Ballot – Video
By now, it is clear that the 2026 midterms are unlike any we have seen in recent memory. The scale of spending, the intensity of coordination, and the precision of messaging all suggest a high-stakes contestâbut the full story goes deeper than individual candidates or party control.
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