Conspiracy theories, AI taking over, where robotics can take us. It’s the future we are going to theorize about. But this isn’t SciFi, it’s what’s evolving around us.
The big question is not the worlds future, but yours and mine. what must we do to prepare ourselves, and who is orchestrating everything.
Spoiler Alert: It isn’t Donald Trump.





Major reform in campaign finance / donation transparency â if laws tighten, anonymity and dark-money flows shrink.
|
Name / Network |
Why They Endure /What Makes Them Resilient |
|---|---|
|
Sixteen Thirty Fund (and affiliated Arabella Advisors funds) |
Long-standing âdark moneyâ powerhouse for the left. Provides fiscal-sponsorship and funding to many progressive causes and campaigns. As a 501(c)(4) nonprofit, it can channel money â often anonymously â into activism, ballot initiatives, and elections. Wikipedia+1 |
|
Berger Action Fund (network tied to Swiss billionaire support of progressive causes) |
Serves as a major donor funnel for progressive policy agendas. Its role shows how international money and large-scale philanthropy can influence U.S. politics regardless of which party is in charge. Wikipedia+1 |
|
Priorities USA Action |
One of the largest Democratic-leaning super PACs. Has shown flexibility in shifting strategy (e.g. moving toward digital campaigning rather than just TV ads), which suggests institutional agility in changing political climates. Wikipedia |
|
American Bridge 21st Century |
A major liberal opposition-research and election campaign groupâeffective at media and messaging work. Such infrastructures are portable: no matter whoâs in power, they can redirect resources toward oversight, opposition, or new causes. Wikipedia |
|
Tides Foundation / Tides Network |
A long-standing donor-advised fund and fiscal-sponsorship network. Its versatile structure lets wealthy donors fund causes under the radar â meaning it can remain influential regardless of which party holds power. Wikipedia+1 |
|
Major Conservative Mega-Donors (e.g. Richard Uihlein & family, Scaife-linked foundations, etc.) |
These âbig-money backersâ have deep pockets and substantial influence on think tanks, policy-planning networks, and regulatory lobbying. Their funds tend to follow structural interests (tax law, business regulation, corporate incentives) â which can often survive major party shifts. DeSmog+2The Good Men Project+2 |
|
Embedded Think Tanks and Policy Networks (e.g. Heritage Foundation, Intercollegiate Studies Institute (ISI), and other longtime policy infrastructure) |
These institutions provide long-term ideological frameworks, produce research, influence judiciary nominations, shape legislation drafts â and have memberships, staffs, and networks that outlast electoral cycles. DeSmog+1 |
|
Financial-industry donors and Super-PAC backers (e.g. Kenneth C. Griffin, other hedge-fund and Wall Street funders) |
Money from big finance often plays both ends: campaign donations, policy lobbying, influence over regulation. Because their interest is often stability, deregulation, and favorable economic policy â not always party ideology â they can pivot if a left administration offers similar benefits. Fiscal Report+1 |
| Leonard Leo | Arabella Advisors |
|---|---|
| Builds and steers a network | Builds and steers a network |
| Operates mostly out of public view | Operates mostly out of public view |
| Uses nonprofits and fiscal vehicles | Uses nonprofits and fiscal vehicles |
| Focuses on long-term institutional outcomes | Focuses on long-term institutional outcomes |
| Rarely the public face of campaigns | Rarely the public face of campaigns |
Arabella Advisors dissolved in late 2025 and transferred its services to Sunflower Services. That organizational change does not alter the relevance of what follows. This discussion focuses on the methods, structures, and influence models that operated under Arabellaâs umbrellaâmodels that continue to exist across the political spectrum regardless of name or branding.
If youâve read about Leonard Leo and wondered whether thereâs an equivalent force operating on the other side of the political spectrum, the short answer is: yes â but it looks different.
If you are unfamiliar with Leonard Leo then I suggest you read our brief on him, it will make my cross references here clearer.
Rather than centering on one highly visible figure, progressive influence has tended to operate through organizational networks. One of the most significant of those is Arabella Advisors.
This is not a critique or an endorsement. Itâs an attempt to understand how modern political influence actually works.
Arabella Advisors is a for-profit consulting firm that specializes in managing and supporting nonprofit organizations and advocacy efforts. Its influence comes less from public messaging and more from infrastructure.
Arabella administers several large nonprofit funds, including:
The Sixteen Thirty Fund
The New Venture Fund
The Hopewell Fund
The Windward Fund
These funds act as fiscal sponsors, meaning they legally host and manage hundreds of projects that may not have their own independent nonprofit status.
In practical terms, this allows advocacy campaigns to:
Launch quickly
Share administrative resources
Receive funding efficiently
Operate under existing legal umbrellas
This structure is entirely legal and widely used across the nonprofit world.
Unlike traditional nonprofits with a single mission and brand, Arabellaâs model supports many separate initiatives at once, often focused on:
Voting and election policy
Climate and environmental advocacy
Healthcare access
Judicial and legal reform
Democracy and governance issues
Most people encountering these efforts donât see âArabellaâ at all. They see:
A campaign name
A policy group
A ballot-issue committee
An issue-specific advocacy organization
Thatâs not secrecy â itâs organizational design.
Criticism of Arabellaâs network usually centers on three issues:
1. Donor opacity
Some of the funds administered through the network do not publicly disclose individual donors, which raises concerns similar to those voiced about conservative dark-money groups.
2. Scale and coordination
Because many projects are housed under a small number of fiscal sponsors, critics argue this can concentrate influence in ways that are hard for the public to track.
3. Distance from local impact
National funding routed through professionalized networks can shape outcomes in local or state-level debates without local communities fully understanding where the support originated.
These concerns mirror critiques made of conservative influence networks â which is precisely why Arabella is worth understanding.
Supporters argue that Arabellaâs structure:
Improves efficiency
Reduces administrative duplication
Allows rapid response to emerging issues
Helps smaller or newer causes compete in an expensive political environment
They also point out that conservative networks have used similar structures for decades â often more visibly and more successfully â and that progressive donors were slow to build comparable infrastructure.
Arabella Advisors isnât the progressive version of a political party, a campaign, or a single leader.
Itâs something subtler:
An influence platform â not for persuasion, but for coordination.
That makes it powerful, and it also makes it easy to misunderstand.
Just as Leonard Leo represents how conservative legal influence became institutionalized, Arabella represents how progressive advocacy adapted to a landscape where money, law, and organization matter as much as ideas.
Seeing Arabella Advisors clearly helps avoid two common mistakes:
Believing influence only flows from one side
Confusing infrastructure with ideology
Modern politics is less about speeches and more about systems â systems that decide which ideas get sustained, funded, and repeated over time.
Understanding those systems doesnât require agreement.
It requires attention.
What is the ACS?

Similarities to the Federalist Society
Key Differences and Why It’s Not as Dominant
In short, the ACS is the direct mirror-image organization on the leftâoften called the “liberal Federalist Society”âbut it hasn’t achieved the same level of institutional power or cultural penetration. Some argue liberals have a broader ecosystem of groups (e.g., ACLU, Alliance for Justice) that collectively play a similar role, but nothing matches the Federalist Society’s singular focus and success. For more, check acslaw.org.
The Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies (often called “FedSoc”) is a major American organization of conservative and libertarian lawyers, judges, law students, and scholars. Founded in 1982 by law students at Yale, Harvard, and the University of Chicago, it started as a way to challenge what its founders saw as dominant liberal ideas in law schools.Key Principles (straight from their mission):
It’s not a lobbying group or political party â it claims to be non-partisan and focuses on open debate. They host events, panels, and speeches with speakers from all sides (though most align conservative/libertarian).Structure:
Influence:
Critics say it’s too partisan and has shifted the courts rightward. Supporters say it promotes intellectual diversity and constitutional fidelity.The James Madison ConnectionThe society’s logo is a silhouette of James Madison (4th U.S. President, “Father of the Constitution,” co-author of The Federalist Papers). They see themselves as heirs to Madison’s ideas on limited government and checks and balances.
There is no separate major organization called the “Madison Society” directly paired with the Federalist Society. “Madison Society” refers to various unrelated groups (e.g., Second Amendment advocacy, university alumni clubs, or progressive counterparts like the American Constitution Society). The “Federalist and Madison Societies” likely refers to the Federalist Society’s strong ties to James Madison’s legacy.In short: The Federalist Society is the big player in conservative legal circles, proudly Madison-inspired. It’s all about debating ideas to keep government limited and judges neutral.For more: Visit fedsoc.org or read The Federalist Papers for the original inspiration!
You donât need to follow these closely to get the point. Most of you already recognize the pattern.
During multiple Supreme Court nominations over the last decade, tens of millions of dollars were spent by groups with neutral-sounding names, many of them structured as nonprofits that do not disclose donors.
The ads werenât about law â they were about emotion, fear, and identity.
The funding sources? Largely invisible.
Oh yeah.
In several states, outside money has flooded judicial elections â races most voters barely notice â because judges decide issues like tort law, environmental regulation, and labor disputes.
Small states. Big money. Quiet races.
Oh yeah.
Energy, mining, and real estate interests have repeatedly funded campaigns against local ballot initiatives â zoning rules, environmental protections, or tax measures â using PACs that make them look like grassroots efforts.
The campaign feels local.
The money often isnât.
Oh yeah.
School board races and education policy fights increasingly attract outside funding from ideological organizations on both the right and the left â often routed through nonprofits that donât disclose donors.
Parents think itâs a local debate.
The funding strategy was written elsewhere.
Oh yeah.
Ever see ads that say things like:
âTell Senator X to protect freedomâ
âCall Representative Y and demand actionâ
These often come from groups legally classified as issue advocacy, not campaigns â which allows them to spend heavily without revealing whoâs paying.
Same effect. Different label.
Oh yeah.
In lower-population states, a few million dollars can completely reshape a political conversation â making them attractive targets for national organizations seeking influence at a bargain price.
Montana, Wyoming, the Dakotas, West Virginia â none of them are accidental.
Oh yeah.
Most people outside of Montana donât think about Montana much â and thatâs exactly the point.
Montana matters here not because it has all the answers, but because it raises a question many places are quietly facing:
What happens when a community tries to limit outside influence structurally instead of just complaining about it?
To ground that question in reality, here are two useful references:
Official proposed ballot text and description (Montana Secretary of State) â this is the governmentâs own page listing what the initiative says it would do. Montana Proposed 2026 Ballot Issues Page (Official Text & Summary)
Plain-language summary of the initiative statement â a concise version of what the amendment would change. Group Releases Text of Proposed Montana Constitutional Amendment to Curb Dark Money (Summary)
With those in hand, you can always look at the source language while reading this section.
The change in Montana law would simply not grant the corporations the power to give to candidates or causes, but would allow individuals to give, but those donations would be tracked.
The proposed legislation is the first-of-its-kind and takes a different approach to the problem of campaign finance in spending. For example, last yearâs U.S. Senate race in Montana, which saw Republican Tim Sheehy beat incumbent Democrat Jon Tester, had more than $275 million spent in a state of roughly 1.2 million people.
âBasically, the only difference is that corporations wonât be able to spend in our elections,â Mangan said.
The specifics of the proposed constitutional amendment would carve out exceptions for organizations like political parties and even media organizations whose coverage could possibly run afoul of the amendmentâs language.
âIf a person wants to spend money, then they have to put their name on it. Itâs full disclosure. Thatâs what this is all about,â Mangan said.
The Montana proposal â often referred to as the Montana Plan or the Transparent Election Initiative â is fundamentally different from traditional campaign finance reforms.
Instead of regulating spending directly, it would change the basic definition of what corporations and similar entities (âartificial personsâ) are allowed to do in elections. In effect, it would:
Amend the state constitution to say corporations and other artificial entities have only the powers the constitution explicitly grants them.
Specifically ensure that corporations have no authority to spend money or anything of value on elections or ballot issues.
Leave open the possibility for political committees (not corporations) to spend money on elections.
Include enforcement provisions and severability clauses to protect parts of the law if others are ruled invalid. Montana Secretary of State+1
This isnât the typical approach of saying âlimit X amountâ or âdisclose Y.â It says, in essence:
If the state never gave a corporate entity the power to spend in politics in the first place, then it canât do so now. Harvard Law Corporate Governance Forum
Thatâs why proponents describe it as a doctrine-based challenge to the framework established by Citizens United â not a straightforward campaign finance rule. Harvard Law Corporate Governance Forum
There are four big implications worth noting:
1. It reframes power, not just spending.
Instead of capping or reporting spending, it redefines who gets that power at all. Thatâs a deeper structural shift in how the political system treats corporations. Harvard Law Corporate Governance Forum
2. It acts at the level where consequences are visible.
When outside groups spend in small races or ballot campaigns, local voters often never see the circuit of influence. This initiative aims to shorten that circuit â even if imperfectly. Truthout
3. It shows how local contexts shape responses to national problems.
Dark money isnât a national phenomenon only â itâs a distributed one, especially in low-attention environments like state and local elections. Montanaâs approach reflects that reality. NonStop Local Montana
4. It illustrates why thereâs âno one best fix.â
Youâll notice this proposal doesnât:
Ban all political spending by wealthy individuals
Eliminate all influence from outside actors
End lobbying
And, according to some critics, may raise free speech or legal concerns if adopted wholesale Montana Free Press
What it does is test a structural lever that hasnât been widely tried before: the stateâs sovereign authority to grant or withhold corporate powers.
As of late 2025:
The Montana Attorney General has ruled the proposed initiative legally insufficient, arguing it combines multiple constitutional changes into one item and may affect more than a single subject. Montana Free Press
The organizers are planning to challenge that ruling and pursue placement on the 2026 ballot. Montana Free Press
This process â review, challenge, signature gathering â is itself part of what makes Montana a useful test case. It isnât a finished story yet.
When you look at the initiative text and the summary together with your understanding of dark money and influence, hereâs the clean takeaway:
Montana isnât offering a pre-packaged solution.
Itâs testing whether changing who can spend at all alters the dynamics of influence.
The stateâs unique legal authority provides a laboratory for ideas that might be adapted elsewhere in different forms.
In other words:
Montanaâs initiative isnât the answer â itâs an experiment. Good data from experimentation â success or failure â gives other states something concrete to think with.

Why Simple Solutions Fail
Once people understand how dark money works, the next instinct is to ask:
âWhy donât we just ban it?â
That reaction is understandable â and itâs also where most discussions fall apart.
Political speech is protected broadly in the United States, not because itâs always noble, but because limiting it is dangerous. Any rule strong enough to silence bad actors is also strong enough to silence legitimate dissent.
That creates a hard tradeoff:
Regulate too lightly, and influence hides
Regulate too aggressively, and speech is chilled
There is no clean line that separates âacceptableâ influence from âunacceptableâ influence without collateral damage.
Money itself isnât illegal. People are allowed to spend their own money advocating for causes they believe in.
The difficulty arises when:
Money becomes scalable
Influence becomes detached from consequences
The people paying donât live with the outcomes
Banning money outright isnât realistic. Limiting it too tightly just pushes it into new, often less visible channels.
Even well-written laws struggle in practice:
Agencies are underfunded
Rules are complex
Violations are hard to prove
Punishments arrive long after elections are over
By the time enforcement catches up, the decision has already been made.
The reason dark money persists isnât because no one has tried to fix it. Itâs because every fix runs into real-world constraints.
Understanding those constraints doesnât mean giving up.
It means being honest about whatâs possible.
That honesty is the starting point for any solution that has a chance of lasting.
If you want to understand dark moneyâs real power, donât look first at presidential elections. Look at small states, local races, and low-visibility decisions.
Thatâs where the leverage is highest.
Influencing a national election is expensive and unpredictable.
Influencing a state legislature, regulatory board, court election, or ballot initiative is often:
Far cheaper
Less crowded with competing messages
Less scrutinized by media
More consequential per dollar spent
In smaller political ecosystems, a relatively modest amount of money can:
Shape the debate
Deter opposition
Make outcomes feel pre-decided
This isnât because voters are uninformed. Itâs because the volume of influence overwhelms the scale of the system.
Many of the most important decisions affecting national industries are made locally:
Resource extraction permits
Environmental standards
Tax structures
Judicial interpretations
Regulatory enforcement
Winning a single state-level fight can:
Set precedent
Reduce compliance costs elsewhere
Protect billions in downstream revenue
From that perspective, local politics isnât small at all. Itâs strategic.
If an organization openly said:
âWeâre here to protect a distant financial interest that wonât bear the local costsâ
âŚit would fail immediately.
So messaging focuses on:
Jobs
Growth
Stability
Freedom
Tradition
Safety
These themes are not fake. They resonate because they matter to peopleâs lives. The issue isnât that theyâre false â itâs that theyâre partial.
Whatâs usually missing is:
Who benefits most
Who absorbs long-term costs
Who leaves when the damage is done
That information gap isnât accidental. Itâs essential to the strategy.
Over time, this kind of influence can:
Narrow the range of acceptable debate
Make opposition feel futile or extreme
Shift policy without visible public consent
The most important outcome often isnât a single law or election result. Itâs the normalization of decisions made with local consequences but remote beneficiaries.
Thatâs the point where influence becomes detached from accountability.
By now, three things should be clear:
Dark money is usually legal
It works best where attention is lowest
Its power comes from distance â not secrecy
The remaining question isnât whether this system exists.
Itâs whether communities should have the ability to limit how much invisible, outside influence their political systems can absorb.
Why Local Answers Matter More Than National Ones

If there is no single best fix, the next question becomes:
âAt what level should we even try?â
The instinct in modern politics is to look upward â to Congress, the courts, or national leaders. But many of the problems tied to dark money donât originate at the national level. They concentrate locally.
In reality, many of the National Initiatives actually originated at the local level, they are designed, implemented and evaluated locally before they are introduced on a National Level. Although what works here doesn’t work there is true. Money is spent wisely and pilot plans or test runs are judged in different environments.
One of the most outwardly confusing observations is why actions or interference will be implemented in one locality or region and not another. When this happens you must step back and follow either the money or the vote. We may be led to believe the new infrastructure is for the communities health, but will it still be supported when the oil fracking or coal mining, or.. or.. is no longer profitable to the corporation located many states away without any other financial ties to the local population.
National rules have to work everywhere:
In resource states and service economies
In rural communities and major cities
In places with very different risks and incentives
That forces compromise â and compromise often produces rules that are too blunt to be effective and too rigid to adapt.
Local and state systems, by contrast:
Have clearer lines of cause and effect
Face specific pressures rather than abstract ones
Can tailor responses to their own vulnerabilities
What works in one state may fail in another â and thatâs not a flaw. Itâs reality.
When decisions are made locally:
The people affected are easier to identify
The consequences are harder to ignore
The distance between influence and impact is shorter
That doesnât eliminate outside pressure, but it makes it harder to hide.
Focusing on local solutions isnât about shutting out the world or pretending states exist in a vacuum.
Itâs about restoring balance:
National rules set guardrails
Local systems decide how much influence they can absorb
That balance is what federalism was designed to provide.
Once people understand what dark money is, the next question is obvious:
If this creates so many problems, why does it exist at all?
The short answer is not corruption or conspiracy.
The longer answer is classification.
U.S. election law draws a sharp line between:
Campaign activity (which is regulated and disclosed)
Issue advocacy (which is far less regulated)
If an organization explicitly tells you to:
âVote forâ or âVote againstâ a candidate
âŚit is treated as a campaign and must disclose donors.
If it instead says:
âSupport energy independenceâ
âProtect public safetyâ
âStand up for local jobsâ
âDefend parental rightsâ
âŚit may be classified as issue advocacy, even if the timing, targeting, and messaging clearly benefit one candidate or policy outcome.
That distinction is the foundation dark money is built on.
Many dark money organizations are nonprofits because nonprofits were never designed to function like political campaigns. They were meant to:
Promote causes
Educate the public
Advocate broadly for values
Over time, those purposes expanded â legally â to include political messaging that stops just short of explicit campaigning.
Once that door opened, the incentives became obvious:
Donors could influence politics without public scrutiny
Organizations could spend heavily without disclosure
Voters would see the message, but not the full context
Nothing about this requires bad actors. It works even when everyone is technically following the rules.
Itâs tempting to think the solution is simple: require more disclosure.
The problem is that disclosure alone often fails in practice because:
Information is scattered across filings few people read
Money moves through multiple layers of organizations
The source may be technically disclosed but practically untraceable
Voters encounter the message long before they encounter the data
By the time transparency arrives, the influence has already done its work.
Dark money doesnât rely on secrecy so much as opacity through complexity.
Courts have consistently protected issue advocacy because:
Political speech is broadly protected
The line between ideas and elections is hard to police
Over-regulation risks suppressing legitimate civic activity
In other words, the system tolerates dark money not because itâs admired, but because the alternative risks collateral damage to free expression.
This creates a tradeoff:
Protect speech broadly
Accept influence that is difficult to see
That tradeoff becomes more consequential the smaller and quieter the political arena is.
Which brings us to the next question.
If dark money is everywhere, why does it seem to concentrate so heavily in state and local politics?
âDark moneyâ sounds dramatic, like something illegal or conspiratorial.
Most of the time, itâs neither.
At its simplest, dark money is political spending where the true source of the money is hidden from the public. The spending itself is usually legal. Whatâs obscured is who is really behind it.
That distinction matters.
Dark money typically flows through organizations that are allowed to spend money on political causes without publicly disclosing their donors. These are often nonprofits or issue-advocacy groups rather than campaigns themselves.
The money can be used for:
Ads supporting or opposing candidates
Messaging around ballot initiatives
âIssue advocacyâ that clearly benefits one side without explicitly saying âvote forâ or âvote againstâ
By the time a voter sees the message, they often have no practical way of knowing:
Who paid for it
What larger interests might be involved
Whether the message is local, national, or purely financial in motivation
The money is âdarkâ not because itâs criminal, but because the light stops short of the original source.
Dark money is not:
A suitcase of cash changing hands in a back room
A single billionaire pulling puppet strings in secret
Always tied to one political party or ideology
Itâs also not limited to federal elections. In fact, it often shows up more clearly in state and local politics, where disclosure rules are looser and attention is lower.
Importantly, dark money does not usually persuade people by lying outright. It persuades by selecting which truths get amplified and which questions never get asked.
Political campaigns have long been required to disclose donors. The idea is simple: if voters know who is funding a campaign, they can better judge motives and credibility.
Dark money exists because not all political spending is classified as campaign spending.
If an organization says it is:
Educating the public
Advocating on issues
Promoting values rather than candidates
âŚit may not be required to disclose its donors, even if the practical effect is the same as campaigning.
That gap â between influence and disclosure â is where dark money lives.
Imagine seeing an ad that says:
âProtect local jobs. Support responsible energy development.â
The ad doesnât tell you:
Who funded it
Whether the group is local or national
Whether the real goal is jobs, regulatory relief, tax advantages, or something else
The message might be true in part. It might even be well intentioned. But without knowing who paid for it, you canât fully evaluate why youâre seeing it, or why now.
Thatâs the core issue.
Dark money doesnât usually change minds overnight. Its real power is quieter.
It can:
Shape which issues feel ânormalâ to discuss
Make certain outcomes feel inevitable
Discourage opposition by signaling overwhelming backing
Most importantly, it allows people who wonât live with the consequences of a decision to influence that decision anyway.
This isnât about corruption in the movie sense. Itâs about detachment â influence without accountability.
If this already feels a little murky, thatâs not because youâre missing something. Complexity is not an accident here; itâs part of the design.
In the next part, weâll look at why dark money exists at all, why itâs legal, and why simply âdisclosing moreâ hasnât solved the problem.
For now, the takeaway is just this:
Dark money isnât hidden because itâs illegal.
Itâs hidden because hiding works.
King Putz says Tiny Tim Cratchit can do with just 1 pencil for Christmas, the Trump economy is great, if your TRUMP. Just How Stupid Are You?
Verifiable Estimates of Donald Trump’s Net Worth Increase Since Taking Office in 2025Yes, there are verifiable estimates from reputable sources like Forbes and Bloomberg tracking the change in Donald Trump’s net worth since he took office on January 20, 2025. These are based on public financial disclosures, stock valuations (e.g., Trump Media & Technology Group, or TMTG), real estate appraisals, and cryptocurrency holdings. However, exact figures are estimates due to the private nature of much of his wealth, market volatility (especially in crypto and TMTG shares), and varying methodologies between trackers. Trump’s net worth has reportedly surged, driven largely by cryptocurrency ventures (e.g., $TRUMP memecoin and World Liberty Financial), licensing deals, and TMTG stock performance.Key Estimates and TimelineHere’s a summary of the most cited figures from major sources, focusing on pre-inauguration (late 2024/early 2025) vs. current (as of late 2025). The increase is generally pegged at $2.5â3 billion year-to-date, with Forbes providing the most detailed breakdown.
|
Source
|
Net Worth (Jan 2025, at Inauguration)
|
Net Worth (Current, Dec 2025)
|
Estimated Increase
|
Primary Drivers of Growth
|
Date of Estimate
|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|
Forbes
|
$4.3â5.1 billion (end-2024 baseline, rising to ~$6.7B by Jan 21)
|
$7.3 billion
|
+$3 billion (from 2024 baseline); +$0.6â2.6 billion (from Jan)
|
Crypto ($1B+ from World Liberty tokens), licensing (+$400M), golf clubs (+$325M), TMTG shares
|
Sep 2025 |
|
Bloomberg Billionaires Index
|
~$7.16 billion (Jan 21)
|
$7.4â7.75 billion
|
+$0.24â0.59 billion (stable but with crypto gains)
|
TMTG stake, crypto exposure (~$620M in holdings), real estate licensing
|
JulâSep 2025 |
Earlier in 2025 (March/April), Forbes valued him at $5.1 billion, showing intra-year growth of ~$2.2 billion by September.
They highlight over $10 billion in Trump-branded real estate projects since early 2025 as a longer-term booster.
Wikipedia’s aggregation (as of Dec 2025) cites a post-inauguration rise from ~$6 billion to $7+ billion, factoring in a June 2025 disclosure of $1.6 billion in assets and $600 million income.
Key Factors Behind the Increase
Caveats and Verifiability
Supporters view it as savvy branding.
In summary, the most substantiated tally is Forbes’ $3 billion increase from 2024 to mid-2025, with ~$1â2 billion post-inaugurationâverifiable via their methodologies and public data. This makes his second term the most financially lucrative for any U.S. president on record.


#FreeSpeechTest #BotFree #SocialExperiment
#HumanDiscourse #FreeSpeechTest #SocialExperiment


Figure |
Role in Trump Admin |
Influence on Venezuela Policy |
Key Details |
|---|---|---|---|
Marco Rubio |
Secretary of State & National Security Adviser |
Primary driver; reframed “democracy promotion” into narco-terrorist strikes and regime ouster. Designated Cartel de los Soles as FTO today (Nov. 24). |
Longtime Maduro foe (Cuban roots fuel personal stake); killed a Grenell-led diplomatic thaw; pushing internal strikes beyond boats. |
Stephen Miller |
Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy & Homeland Security Adviser |
Orchestrates boat strikes and “narco-state” narrative; links it to border security and deportations. |
Directed Sept. 2025 strikes; calls Maduro’s regime a “central hub” for drugs/humans; allies with Rubio on military escalation, shifting from stability to confrontation. |
Lindsey Graham |
Senate Foreign Relations Chair (incoming) |
Informal influencer; whispers regime change in Trump’s ear alongside Rubio. |
Paul flags him as a key pusher for intervention, risking MAGA backlash; backs military aid to opposition.responsiblestatecraft.org
|
John Ratcliffe |
CIA Director |
Oversees covert ops, including lethal authorizations inside Venezuela. |
Project 2025 contributor; his chapter on intel reform enables expanded black ops against Maduro allies. |
When you stop â really stop â reacting to the crazy antics around us, you start to see patterns. When Trump took office 2.0, we were overwhelmed by the sheer amount of âstuffâ being thrown at us. So we reacted exactly as designed: ineffectively, trying to make sense of it all and put out a thousand little fires that were, in truth, nothing more than distractions.
What happened next was unexpected. Trump began believing his own myth and started seeing his power as unlimited. He knew the only real force that could slow him down was the courts â and he has always been a master of legal delay. Delay something long enough, and the outcome becomes reality by default.
But what he failed to consider is that his playground has changed. We are not his contractors willing to take a loss just to move on. We are a nation with far more power than he could ever hope to wield. And right now, it looks like he knows his back is against the wall.
What comes next? I wonât guess. But I can tell you how I now see the playing field â and youâre welcome to draw your own conclusions from there.
No coherent ideology
No longâterm planning
No theoretical framework
An intuitive sense for grievance
A talent for chaos
A loyaltyâforâprotection racket
A cultic relationship with followers
A willingness to break any norm
deregulation
cultureâwar mobilization
audience addiction
antiâinstitution sentiment
the Mercer family
Leonard Leo / Federalist Society judicial pipeline
Koch networks (though more ambivalent about Trump personally)
tax cuts
deregulation
proâcorporate courts
weakened labor power
anger
conspiracy
identity conflict
content that feels like âsecret truthâ
opposing Trump costs them their careers
supporting him gives them power and funding
they can use him as a distraction while they pass their policy goals
40+ years of planning
billions in dark money
a pipeline from law school to Supreme Court
clear ideological ends:
weaken federal power
expand corporate rights
roll back civil rights protections
enforce conservative social values
structural resentment
de-democratization of information
institutional gridlock
demographic shifts
economic precarity
political nihilism
Billionaire-funded conservative networks (Leo, Mercers, Koch subsets)
Rightâwing media ecosystems
Republican politicians who think they can ride the tiger
Algorithms that radicalize without human controllers
A base that now has its own momentum independent of Trump



But I always thought..
Itâs a norm, not a constitutional rule. History often changes its mind. BUT, that assumes there was a mind first to change
Early naming almost always:
Signals insecurity, not confidence
Correlates with personality-driven governance
Forces later erasure or embarrassment
Weakens institutional credibility
Posthumous naming:
Filters emotion
Allows reassessment
Protects institutions from reversal
Thatâs not ideology â itâs risk management.
Bottom line
The âwait until after deathâ norm exists because:
History is cruel to premature certainty
Power distorts perception
Institutions outlast people
Share this:
Like this: